Should Juveniles be tried as Adults in the US Court...

Should Juveniles be tried as Adults in the US Court System? Megan Gless Cathedral Catholic High School As you get older you receive more rights. You have the ability to vote, be an organ donor, get your own credit card, and even buy tobacco. Doesn’t turning eighteen just sound amazing? However many don’t realize that that they now have to be held responsible for their actions. As you switch from seventeen to eighteen you are now considered an adult in most states. When committing a crime you now have to realize that you will be tried as an adult and not in a juvenile court. However does a couple years or even a couple months make that much of a difference? Is it fair for someone who is seventeen to receive a lesser sentence†¦show more content†¦They do this because the younger gang members will receive less punishment and be back on the streets more quickly. Even if the gang member commits murder he or she is more likely to get a lesser sentence than an older gang member. The reason that the juvenile may return to the streets more quickly is because the court sy stem will usually try rehabilitation. A juvenile in the adult court system has its benefits. The adult justice system allows a juvenile to have a jury, a proper judge, and the right representation. This is unlike the juvenile court system, which has no jury. Getting suspects in prison works better if they go through the adult criminal system. Donna M. Bishop proves this by saying the following statement, Juveniles tried as adults were more likely to be incarcerated, and incarcerated for longer than those who remained in the juvenile system†. If a juvenile goes through the adult system, they will most likely get a longer sentence. The longer sentence will allow them to have a longer period for reformation. The couple of extra years or months for a dangerous juvenile being locked up is worth the protection. The adult system makes sure the juveniles pay for the crime that has been committed. If there is a crime, there should be a punishment, as seen in the Graham v. Florida Supreme Court case. A seventeen-year-old bo y named Terrance Graham pled guilty to an armed burglary and then later violated his

The Burma Road Riot Free Essays

string(150) " riot demonstrated to both Bahamian blacks and the oligarchs who were known collectively as the ‚Bay Street Boys,\? that Bay Street was vulnerable\." I’se a Man Political Awakening and the 1942 Riot in the Bahamas Abstract When Americans began building their World War II bases in Nassau, the Bahamians they hired expected the high wage rates that usually accompanied foreign contracts. Unfortunately, the Bahamian government had negotiated much lower rates than were expected. Green, with his cry ‚I’se a man,? captured the indignation that many of his co-workers felt. We will write a custom essay sample on The Burma Road Riot or any similar topic only for you Order Now After attempts to address the wage issue by collective bargaining failed, two thousand labourers gathered at the building site chanting ‚we want more money.? Their cries fell on deaf ears and police officers were called in to disperse the group. But, the police only succeeded in agitating the protestors. Eventually, armed with sticks and clubs, the leaderless crowd marched to where they would be heard. They marched to Bay Street, the stage for some of the most significant events in the Bahamas’ history and a social space that has continually been at the centre of cultural, economic and political life in the country. Two days of rioting ensued. Although the riot was triggered by a labor dispute, it has been described as the first sign of a popular movement in the Bahamas. And, some have described the riot as a tremor along the fault line that divided the rich white Bahamians who owned businesses on Bay Street and the poor blacks who worked as laborers and lived in the poorer neighborhoods ‚over-the-hill.? This paper is an effort to retell the story of the riot, focusing on its significance as the first sign of political awakening in the country’s black community. This paper was published in the Journal of Caribbean History, 41 (1 2) 2008. Paper presented at the 30th Annual Conference of the Society for Caribbean Studies, The National Archives, Kew, UK, July 2006. We would like to thank Nicola Virgill and John Rolle for comments on previous versions of this paper. The standard disclaimer applies. * I. Introduction At the beginning of the Second World War, the British and American governments made arrangements to build training bases on several of the British West Indian islands. Two of these operational bases were scheduled to be built on New Providence Island, the economic hub of the Bahamas; one in Oaks Field known as Main Field and one in the western end of the island known as Satellite Field. The Project, as it was called, would employ over two thousand Bahamians. When the news about this employment opportunity was publicized, many men from the outlying Bahamian islands flocked to New Providence joining the already large labor pool that looked forward to the high wages that such foreign projects historically brought. The wages offered were not only lower than was expected but there was an inequity of pay between Americans and Bahamian laborers employed at the same jobs. The men were dissatisfied but neither management nor government made any real steps to reconcile the wage dispute. What started as low grumbling among the men at work, exploded into two days of rioting that left six men dead, several people injured and Bay Street, the island’s principal commercial district, and parts of Grant’s Town, where many of the laborers resided, in shambles. Dame Doris Johnson, noted Bahamian politician, has argued that the 1942 riot was a watershed event in the Bahamas’ political and racial history. That the June 1 and 2 disturbances were mblematic of a growing political consciousness within the Bahamas’ majority black community and was the explosive start of what would ultimately be a relatively quiet revolution to usher in black rule and independence in the former British colony. As Johnson recorded, as a consequence of the riot ‚the first awakenings of a new political awareness began to be felt in the hearts of black peopl e time, and the remarkable foresight, courage, and initiative of a few dedicated members of that majority were all that were required to crystallize this awareness into a mighty political force.? Sir Randol Fawkes, labor leader and parliamentarian, has concurred. As they rightly point out, the riot was the first major collective labor action in the Bahamas with political overtones. Political scientist, Colin Hughes, however, has questioned its significance. While accepting it as a precursor, he views it more as a symbol that was profitably mythologized and rallied around once the popular movement actually found its feet. According to Hughes, the riot was ‚a momentary outburst of raw energy? that ‚provided martyrs and a heroic moment? o Bahamian blacks ‚once a political movement had finally started.? Agreeing with Hughes, Gail Saunders sees it as a ‚short-lived spontaneous outburst? after which ‚the black masses slept on.? 3 Both deny any direct link to the dramatic socio-political developments in the 1960s, pointing out that nothing much happened in response to the riot and that no real push for political power or majority rule could be said to e xist in the Bahamas for more than a decade after the riot. They also point out that nothing like this ever happened again in the Bahamas making this event an anomaly. The riot, however, was more than an isolated act of venting. And, although a powerful symbol of black agency that has been referenced again and again in the political struggles of Bahamian blacks, the riot was more than a symbol. The riot had real (if not immediate) effects. Following Johnson, it is our contention that the riot is rightfully considered the first shot in the battle for political change in the Bahamas. The riot also kindled the development of a pro-black consciousness in the country, a necessary precursor to black rule and independence. At the time of the riot, political and economic life in the colony was controlled by a small group of white merchants who were headquartered on Bay Street. As Johnson describes, ‚the usually docile and cheerful Bahamian workers? marched towards Bay Street, the space of white wealth, ‚in an angry and belligerent mood.? The 1942 riot demonstrated to both Bahamian blacks and the oligarchs who were known collectively as the ‚Bay Street Boys,? that Bay Street was vulnerable. You read "The Burma Road Riot" in category "Essay examples" Indeed, the riot showed quite clearly that the hold the merchant princes had on the Bahamas was far from complete and unassailable. The majority black population in the Bahamas could literally dismantle the edifices of minority white rule, if sufficiently provoked. The fissure that was created in 1942 would widen over the next few decades and within a quarter of a century it became a gapping whole that the majority black Progressive Liberal Party walked through to victory. This paper is an effort to retell the story of the riot, focusing on its significance as the first sign of political awakening in the country’s black community. II. Don’t Lick Nobody: Two Days of Mass Action On June 1, 942, just weeks after the Project had began, laborers from both Main Field and Satellite Field marched to Bay Street after their continual and by then quite loud demands for higher wages were met with patronizing replies and admonishments to return to work. As Leonard Storr Green, who was convicted as one of the leaders of the group explains, ‚one of the white bosses wanted to check up on the labourers so that they should go back to work. The crowd said they would not go back until they had some main proof about the wages and they did not go back.? The crowd marched to Bay Street carrying clubs and sticks and assembled in Rawson Square, across from the Parliament and outside the Colonial Secretary’s office, hoping ‚to put their plea for higher wages to someone in authority.? Several members of the colonial government and the local assembly attempted to placate them, promising that if they dispersed and returned to work, their requests would be considered. They were almost persuaded to put down their weapons and to go back to work but eye witnesses and members of the crowd of labors cite two things as triggering the riotous acts that took place. Some attributed the change in crowd’s attitude to the presence of police superintendent Captain Edward Sears. Sears had been present at a peaceful but loud demonstration at the Main Field about wages a day earlier and had drawn his revolver in order to disband the crowd. As Green reports, Captain Sears’ presence on Bay Street ‚made them angry because it looked as if he would do something.? Others blamed Attorney General Eric Hallinan’s insensitive remarks. Hallinan was among those who had attempted to mollify the crowd. As Hallinan would later testify, he informed them that the American contractors ‚had intended to bring in labourers from America? but had changed their minds since the Bahamians ‚had done so well.? He then warned the workers ‚not to spoil that record.? The crowd perceived his remarks as a threat. If they did not return to work quietly, they would be replaced by workers from America. As Hallinan later recognized, ‚those remarks of mine were, I think misunderstood by the crowd and there was signs that they resented those remarks.? Whatever the catalyst, a portion of the crowd that had marched to Rawson Square singing patriotic anthems turned their attention away from diplomacy and bargaining and began to take their frustrations out on Bay Street. They moved down the street smashing car windows and breaking storefronts. Although the beginning crowd numbered in the thousands, it is hard to tell the number of people that actually took part in the violent outburst that followed their peaceful march to Bay Street. It is also difficult to determine which of the various groups of people who participated in the protest did which acts. It appears that the people that broke windows were not the same people that would later loot the stores. But the record here is not entirely clear. As the workers marched to Bay Street from Oakes Field that Monday morning, their numbers were augmented by people who lived in the black communities that they walked through on their way to Bay Street. It is therefore quite possible that a portion of the crowd left peaceably after having made their case, a portion lashed out at the shops and automobiles that were parked on Bay Street, and that an altogether different portion of the crowd looted the shops. After allowing the rioters and looters almost free reign on Bay Street for most of the morning, a force comprised of police officers and the Cameron’s Highlanders, a group of Scottish soldiers who were stationed in Nassau to protect the Duke of Windsor, who was Governor of the Bahamas, were brought in to sweep the street clean of protestors. This worked and by midday they managed to push most of the crowd ‚over the hill,? to the poorer neighborhoods outside the city center. There was a standoff in the Grant’s Town area at to the corner of Cotton Tree and Blue Hill Road between a small crowd of rioters and about 40 police offices and soldiers. The crowd was throwing rocks at the combined forced. One rock hit a Cameron Highlander and knocked him unconscious. During this standoff, one civilian was shot and killed, another was shot and eventually died in the hospital and five men were wounded and recovered. It is possible that the crowd that rioted in Grant’s Town were not from that neighborhood. Indeed, several Grant’s Town residents insisted that the rioters were not from their settlement. As Alfred McKenzie, a black merchant, who owns a store in Grant’s Town recounts, ‚I didn’t recognize any one especially. I think there were just a few leaders and the majority of the crowds were looking for what they could get after the places was broken into. Young men and women made up this crowd.? Whatever the composition or origin, the police had a hard time subduing the crowd in Grant’s Town. Having failed to control the crowd, the police read the Riot Act at about one o’clock in the afternoon, ten minutes after the incident at Cotton Tree, set curfew and left Grant’s Town. With the police went the authority of law and the force of the curfew. After the forces ithdrew, the crowd, many who by now were intoxicated, laid siege to the Grant’s Town police station, set fire to a filling station, fire truck and ambulance, looted the post office and library and broke into many of the small neighborhood businesses. Rioting and looting took place in this community all through the night. The police would later argue that their withdrawal saved lives. The crowd was in such an agita ted mood, their commanding officer testified, that it would have taken extreme measures to contain them. The police therefore felt it was better not to be in a situation where they would be forced to fire on the crowd. Although some citizens testified before the Commission that ‚if the forces had returned to Grant’s Town they could have easily pacified the it without trouble,? others reported that ‚by this time the mob here was so drunk that they could only have been pacified at a very considerable loss of life.? The Commission observed that, in fact, only one person was injured in Grant’s Town after the forces had been withdrawn and that was a rioter who was shot by a coloured man in defence of his shop. A few shops, mainly liquor shops, were broken into; but the amount of damage done, although considerable, was not great.? In Grant’s town the rioting was not only more violent but also seemed to have been much more 16 random than on Bay Street. Whereas on Bay Street, there was a definite pattern to the stores that were destroyed and looted, there seemed to be none in Grant’ Town. On Bay Street there are numerous episodes of shop proprietors and other citizens being able to reason with the crowds; in Grant’s Town, there was no listening to reason. It was the opinion of most observers that the amount of alcohol consumed played a great part in the violence and destruction that took place that evening. Riots are often intoxicating because of the lure of recklessness and the sudden freedom to act on the basest of desires. When that allure is coupled with the intoxication of alcohol the dangers are magnified. In Grant’s Town a number of bars had been broken into. In Captain Sears’ report of what took place once the crowd was pushed over the hill, he states that the ‚Red Lion Bar had been broken into and all the liquor taken from there.? 18 17 Lance Corporal Gooding reported that when he went over the hill from Bay Street that ‚Bethel’s Bar on the corner of Martin Street and Blue Hill road was being broken into.? Complaining of the riot, one resident of Grant’s Town testified, ‚I think there are too many liquor stores in Grant’s Town.? After the rioting in Grant’s Town, concerned citizens One of the two later fatalities was the result of a Grant’s town resident protecting his property from a looter who refused to listen to reason. In his testimony, Clifford Holbert a stone mason who was protecting a shop that he owned with his father relays the incident that took at about 10 a. m. on June 2, ‚I was sitting on the counter and the leader who is called Johnson held his hand up and made a sign to the man. Johnson had a carpenter’s hammer in his hand. He made a sign to the men and said, ‘come on, boys lets go in. ’ I said to them, ‘why don’t you behave yourselves, aren’t we all coloured? ’ They still came in. The others besides the leader had sticks, bottles and stones and some of them had empty sacs as if to put my property in. I was sitting on the counter with a shotgun on my knees. They flocked around me and as they flocked around me the gun went off. The leader was taken up to the hospital and was dead.? submitted a petition asking for re-zoning, because as it stood there were 30 liquor stores in the southern district. Throughout the night, bands went through the settlement looting and generally causing havoc. On the morning, June 2 , a handful of businesses and residences were singled out for attack. Mr. George Cole’s Eastern Pharmacy located on Shirley Street was one of them. Cole was a white merchant whose Grant’s Town store had been destroyed the previous afternoon. nd A gang from Grant’s Town marched to Shirley Street to loot the store. The Highlanders responded to the phone calls reporting the happenings at the pharmacy and were able to disperse the crowd without incident. The looting of Cole’s pharmacy and the liquor store next door to it were the last actions of the riot. Reassured by the Duke of Windsor, the Governor of the Bahamas that the wage question would be dealt with, more the half the workers returned to work on June 4 and by the end of the week, life returned to normal. 21 III. Political First Steps: On The Meaning of the Riot th Most historians who have studied the riot have argued that it was not a significant precursor to the political movements that would take place in the Bahamas over the next few decades. The riot, they contend, was just a momentary outburst and its effects, they suggest, are difficult to trace. Doris Johnson, it’s supposed, was mistaken when she described the rioters as being consciously engaged in a struggle for their rights and suggested that the riot caused ‚stirrings in the hearts of the poor and the not-so-poor Bahamians? that ultimately led to political and social change in the Bahamas. One witness to the riot, Etienne Dupuch, the editor of a local newspaper and a person long thought to be ‚in touch? ith the social attitudes of the Bahamian people argued that the riot was ‚the natural outcome of the narrow economic, political and social policies pursued by a small but dominant political group in this colony during the last quarter century.? Similarly, Hughes has described the riot as ‚a momentary outburst of raw energy.? 23 22 And, Saunders, agreeing with both Dupuch and Hughes, has called the riot a ‚short lived spontaneous outburst by a group of disgruntled labourers *that+ occurred against a background of narrow socio-economic and political policies.? If the riot, however, was the opening skirmish in the battle for majority rule in the Bahamas can we fairly describe it as a momentary or short-lived outburst? Likewise, is it fair to blame the riot on a group of disgruntled workers when many of the rioters were not affiliated with the project? And, finally, is it accurate to describe the system of exploitation and oppression that hemmed in much of the black majority and privileged the Bay Street oligarchs as simply narrow socio-economic and political policies? As noted above, Saunders claims that the sentiments which fueled the riot were ‚short-lived.? ‚Black anger,? he contends, ‚erupted spontaneously? and ‚then quickly died.? Similarly, Hughes has called the riot a ‚momentary outburst.? To be sure, the riot was just a two-day affair; hostilities began the morning of June 1st, 1942 and by the afternoon of Tuesday, June 2 , 1942 the rioting and looting was over. Even if one includes the small demonstrat ion at Oakes Field on the preceding Sunday, the 1942 riot was still (in one sense at least) a brief disturbance. Still, it would be a mistake to describe the riot as just a momentary eruption. The riot was an important first step in the popular movement that would envelope the Bahamas in decades to come. The racial and political consciousness which fueled the quiet revolution in the Bahamas was ripened during this disturbance. And, as we argued elsewhere, processes of identity convergence and identity construction were certainly at work during the riot. continues to be a powerful symbol of black agency and has been referenced again and again in the political struggles of Bahamian blacks, relived in songs, sermons and speeches. Admittedly, it’s difficult to pinpoint the beginning of any movement. Did the Civil Rights movement in the United States begin with the landmark Brown versus the Topeka Board of Education decision in 1954? Or, did it begin a year later with the Dr. Martin Luther King led Montgomery Alabama bus boycott? Or, did it begin twenty five years earlier during the 1919 red summer riots? These were among the first race riots in U. S. where blacks offered a unified response. Similarly, did the South African Civil Rights movement begin in 1976 with the Soweto riots or did it begin with the Sharpeville Massacre in 1960? Each of these is arguably a valid start date for these movements. If we can never be certain about when a movement starts, however, we can perhaps be confident about when a movement is clearly underway. Although the political awareness and willingness to take on the Bay Street oligarchs that Bahamian blacks evidenced during the riot would be increasingly evident in subsequent years, they were rarely exhibited before the riot. The 1937 riot in Matthew Town, Inagua and the 1935 labor disturbance at Roland T. Symonette’s Prince George Hotel are two possible exceptions. But, even with these there are more differences than similarities. Although the 1937 riot involved violent attacks on members of the white merchant class by members of the black working class, it ‚resulted from a personal vendetta,? nvolved less than a handful of blacks and ‚failed to develop into a political or labour riot.? The 1935 disturbance did involve between three and four hundred men but it resulted from their being unhappy that they could not find employment and there was no destruction of property or loss of life. With the possible exception of the semiannual Junkanoo festivals, when whites gave blacks permission to roam free on Bay Street and veiled complaints were sometimes expressed, there was no time prior to the 1942 riot when blacks ventured into the white oligarch controlled city center to openly voice their dissatisfaction with the local uling elite. Additionally, processes of identity convergence and construction were obviously at work during the riot. Identity convergence is the process by which an individual uses participation in group activity as a way of pursuing goals and behaving in ways that are consistent with his individual sense of self. Identity construction is the process through which personal identities are aligned with the collective identity of a movement to which he belongs. The riot was an opportunity for blacks to express their dissatisfaction with the merchant prince dominated socio-economic system and to demand change. For many of the rioters, Green’s bold declaration ‚I’se a man!? explained and justified their actions. They had no choice but to stand up. The protest and riot was their opportunity to stand up. The riot also had a transformative effect on the black population in the Bahamas. It is worth repeating that before the riot, black Bahamian resistance to the white merchants’ political and economic hegemony was muted at best. The riot was a very public metamorphosing of the black laboring class in the Bahamas from docile and compliant to active and defiant. This change would be celebrated in popular song and political speeches. There are several folk songs that reference the riot including ‚Don’t Burn Down Burma Road? and ‚Going Down Burma Road.? The Project was divided between two sites, Main Field and Satellite Field, and the workers called the road between the two sites, which was used primarily to transport workers and equipment back and forth, Burma Road after the Burma Road in Southeast Asia that connected British Burma to China. The popular ‚Going Down Burma Road? with its haunting refrain ‚don’t lick nobody? s so closely connected with the riot that some participants insists that it was sang by the rioting crowd even though the evidence show they were composed much later on. As Hughes described, the riot ‚provided martyrs and a heroic moment? for Bahamian blacks. Just four year after the riot, for instance, H. H. Brown, a Methodist minister, asked his congregation to take responsibilit y for their government. To punctuate his point, he harkens back to the riot. That a people have the kind of government that it deserves goes without saying. A criticism of the local government is therefore a criticism of the entire population. Until people waken to their own responsibilities, they will not have a responsible government. But nothing can possibly justify the attempt of any government to keep the people asleep. Who has learned the lesson of the (1942) riot? Similarly, Randol Fawkes begins a speech 13 years after the riot with these words: ‚Remember the first of June, 1942.? And, in the 1990s when Sir Lynden Pindling, often referred to as the ‚father of the nation,? was summing up the road to self-determination in the Bahamas, he began his history with the Burma Road Riot. When the great heroes of our struggle stood on Burma Road,? he intoned, ‚they did not stand alone. When they stood in the General Strike against the property vote for the woman’s vote with the trade unionists *and+ for majority rule, they did not stand alone.? The effect of the riot on the ruling elite was also not short-lived. Although only moderate reforms were passed in response to the riot, the ruling elite did not forget that these docile polite Bahamians could be turned otherwise if provoked. As Sherouse explains, ‚the threat of mob violence surely impacted those in power. To forestall more radical change, white leaders made minor political adjustments.? It might appear that very little came out of the riot legislatively Colin Hughes, Race and Politics in the Bahamas, 212-213. Rev H. H. Brown, sermon at Governor’s Harbour, Eleuthera, January 14, 1946 quoted in Phil Cash, Shirley Gordon and Gail Saunders, eds. , Sources of Bahamian History (London: MacMillan Caribbean, 1991) 291. Rosalie Fawkes, ed. , Labour Unite or Perish! The Writings that Launched A Movement by Sir Randol Fawkes, ((Florida: Dodds Printing, 2004), 2. Patricia Beardsley Roker, ed. The Vision of Sir Lyndon Pindling: In His Own Words, (Nassau Bahamas: The Estate of Lyndon Pindling, 2002), 163. Scott Sherouse, ‚Authority and Stratification in the Bahamas: The Quest for Legitimacy? (Ph. D. diss. , Florida International University, 2004), 56. but the minor reforms that did result sent a great signal. A chink in the armor of Bay Street had appeared. They were now making concessions when before such demands would have been rejected out of hand. The riot impressed upon the Bay Street Boys the understanding that they could not hold the space of Bay Street as their own domain, to be leased out one or two days a year. Although the riot certainly grew out of a wage dispute, several of the people who rioted and looted on Bay Street in the morning and Grant’s Town that afternoon and evening were not directly affiliated with the Project. Moreover, the Project laborers who were involved in the riot were lashing out at more than unfair wages. As the workers marched from Main Field to Bay Street, women, children and men not affiliated with the Project, joined in and participated fully in the events that transpired. As Oswald Moseley an agent for the Sun Life Insurance Company of Canada who witnessed the events reported, ‚there were lots of women in the crowd and they were inciting the men on and the women to my mind started the looting, which the men joined.? And, ‚I saw a woman getting into a window and walking about inside the store making a selection of his stuff.? Cartwright similarly insisted that ‚most of the looting was done by the youngsters and women. I saw a girl come with a stick and she smashed a window which had not been broken, then she ran away, then she came back and took what she wanted out of this window she had broken.? McKenzie ikewise testified that ‚young men and women made up [the] crowd? that he saw rioting on June 2 Ironically, because the riot was so heavy on the minds of the ruling elite, they banned the semiannual celebration of Junkanoo in which people from over the hill claimed Bay Street in a loud and boisterous parade. The crowd also seeme d to be broadly representative of the black working class population in the Bahamas. The Bahamas is an archipelago with dozens of inhabited islands besides the chief island, New Providence, which hosts the Bahamas’ capital city, Nassau. It is noteworthy that the crowds, although drawn mainly from the ‚over-the-hill? rea, contained individuals who were originally from these ‚Out Islands.? Although a resident of Grant’s Town, Bertram Cambridge insisted that the rioters were ‚all strangers? to him and ‚that they were people from the out islands who were quite unfamiliar to [him] and must have come over to get work at the project.? It is also noteworthy that the crowd contained both skilled and unskilled workers. An effort to establish a broadly representative union just a few years before the riot had failed to launch because skilled workers would not participate. The riot was, thus, the first time that a ross-section of blacks from all over the Ba hamas stood together in a common cause. And, again, that common cause was not just higher wages, though that was their immediate concern. They were more broadly concerned, however, with economic justice; they were receiving unequal pay for equal work. American workers were getting paid as much as 4 times more than Bahamian workers for doing the some jobs. As Dupuch correctly observed, the difference in wages paid to Bahamian and American employees at the Project provided scope for considerable agitation which was greatly accentuated The average erson doesn’t usually grumble about his wages if they are reasonably fair, but no one appreciates being given a lower human valuation when he is doing the same work along side a person of a different nationality or race. When it was announced that their would be a construction development on New Providence that would employ over two thousand laborers, men from the Out Islands which were poor and agrarian flocked to the capital. Tariffs , hurricanes, droughts and blight made once profitable crops barely able to sustain the average farmer. Oscar Johnson, a produce agent turned tailor, told the Select Committee that ‚in 1928, however, a tariff was put on which prevented us from importing our tomatoes to the United States. It was then necessary to get a new market and I then represented Canadian firms sending the tomatoes to Canada. We had a number of hurricanes intermittently about 1932 and in between them we had droughts.? Witnesses of the riot affirm the fact that many of the rioters were not from over the hill, but were from the Out Islands. Moreover, some list the overpopulation caused by Out Islanders seeking a better life in Nassau as one of the reasons for the riot. Thaddeus Johnson, a proprietor of a place where labor congregated, supports Dupuch supposition. When ‚the Americans took over the project,? he testified, there was considerable dissatisfaction over the wages. The workmen figured it this way. They figured that this was an American job. They expected much bigger wages than the Nassau standard. No one seemed able to explain to the workmen why they could not receive the American wage. The American wage on the other side of Florida is very high, but I think that the workmen had in their minds at least two or three dollars a day. This was an issue of fairness. Based on how they had been mistreated in the past by the white merchant class in the colony, the workers understandably assumed that the Bay Street merchants were responsible for this inequality. During the riot, Bahamian blacks were lashing out at their unfair wages and all the other injustices. There was also a matter of subsistence. Wages in general had not increased on par with the cost of living and it was difficult to survive on the wages they were being offered at the Project. This was particularly the case because this was temporary employment. It was easier to stomach making smaller wages if they were steady wages. As Bruce Johnson, an insurance agent with clients all over Nassau, reports, ‚the workmen were finding it harder and harder to get along owing to the increased cost of living.? When Leonard Storr Green realized that he would only receive 4 shillings a day determined that he would need a better paying job because ‚we can’tlive on four shillings a day now according to the prices in the stores.? Moreover, the riot (and the desire for equal and sufficient wages) seems to have been related to their desires for full citizenship. Bahamians are very expressive people and have a wealth of folk Evidence of Richard John Anderson Farrington, The Russell Commission, 271. The crowd was unaware that the wages were fixed by London and Washington and assumed that it was the colonial powers that were keeping them from getting what was due them. In Samuel Cartwright’s barbershop on Friday May 29th, Americans from the project were discussing the project generally and the price of labour. ‚They said that the company wanted to pay higher wages to the working people here but the government and the bay street merchants had been hindering this payment of higher wages.? Evidence of songs from which the workers could have chosen as they marched to Bay Street. They could have kept cadence with the goatskin drum or many other traditional percussion instruments. Instead of choosing ethnic instruments or songs, however, the workers chose patriotic songs, songs of the British Empire, as their songs of protest. One observer, Oscar Johnson, a tailor on Bay Street, remembers that ‚it was a large crowd of people marching down George Street singing ‘We’ll never let the old Flag Fall’ and that intermingled with the patriotic songs some were saying, ‘we want more wages’.? These two, patriotic songs and a cry for more wages were intermingled because the laborers did not see these two sentiments as being inconsistent with one another. With their songs they appealed to their rights as Englishmen. Perhaps here we can learn from Benedict Anderson’s work on nations and ‚nation-ness?. Anderson explains that nations are ‚imagined communities? because they picture ties that connect the citizenry together over long distances and through time. Of the things that connect people together few are stronger than national symbols such as national anthems. No matter how banal the words and mediocre the tunes,? Anderson explains, ‚there is in this singing an experience of simultaneity. At precisely such moments, people wholly unknown to each other utter the same verses to the same melody. The image: unisonance the echoed physical realization of the imagined community.? The same holds true for other national symbols such as the flag or the coat o f arms; they also serve as realizations of imagined community. Interestingly, there were two incidents where imperial symbols were attacked. One was the burning of the picture of the royal family by Alfred Stubbs, one of the rioters. The second was the burning of the English flag. Napoleon McPhee offered a poignant explanation for his behavior. ‚I willing to fight under the flag,? he explained, ‚I willing even to die under the flag, but I ain’t gwine starve under the flag.? While appealing to their rights as subjects of the crown they were also distancing themselves from the crown; showing their alienation from the imperial structure which had not ensured the justice that they sought. They were British subjects but they were dissatisfied British subjects. Just like the smashing and looting of Bay Street was an attack against the economic status quo, the desecrating of nationally symbolic objects was a political attack. An attack that was not meant to reject British citizenship but to claim the protection and the rights of a British colonial. Again, it is meaningful that when they did not get any satisfaction from their employers, they marched to the center of government in the country, the Parliament Building and the Colonial Office. Beyond concerns for economic justice and political empowerment, the rioters were concerned with the lack of racial equality in the colony. Although the Russell Commission concluded that the riot had nothing to do with the question of race, the Duke of Windsor who had called for the Commission was certain that ‚their was strong racial feelings on both sides? and that ‚Bahamas wage rates was only an excuse to make a vigorous and noisy protest against the white population.? As Saunders states, ‚racial tension was an underlying cause of the riot.? On Bay Street, the rioters did not target black owned stores. Harry S. Black’s Candy Kitchen, one of the few black owned stores on Bay Street, was not looted. And, as Craton and Saunders report, the damage was not indiscriminate; such shops as those owned by the Speaker of the Assembly and the wife of one of the white Project supervisors were almost gutted, but the shoe store owned by Percy Christie, the white would-be labor organizer, was left untouched.? Additionally, the rioters were openly hostile to the whites that they encountered. Speaking of the cr owd, John Damianos, a grocery merchant on Bay Street said, ‚My impression was that when they saw a white face they were particularly infuriated and I think it had reached a point which was largely motivated by some racial feelings. I have never seen anything like this before.? Roland Cumberhatch also overhead the mob proclaim, ‚no white man is passing here today.? It is a gross understatement to describe the set of socio-economic and political norms that existed in the Bahamas during the first half of the twentieth century as merely a collection of narrow policies. The policies were narrow to be sure and certainly favored the merchant princes. But, they amounted to a very real and complete (if relatively mild) system of apartheid. In 1942, blacks in the Bahamas were clearly second class citizens in the colony. And, most blacks depended on the whites oligarchs for the livelihoods. As Dr. Claudius Walker complained before the Russell Commission in 1942, in the Bahamas ‚t he coloured man makes all the concessions. I challenge any man in this colony to say that I am wrong in that. The coloured man is discriminated against in the churches, in the theatres, in the private schools.? If there is harmony between the black and white populations, Dr Walker went on to say, ‚it is harmony at the expense of the coloured population.? Saunders confirms Dr. Walker’s claim. ‚In fact, until the late 1950s,? he states, ‚blacks were barred from all hotels, were not allowed in some restaurants, movie houses and were only allowed to enter some churches by the rear door. Certain schools did not accept black children and many business firms were closed to them as places of employment.? Racial discrimination was the norm. Racial animosity was quite commonplace. Racial prejudice was th e order of the day. An almost indelible line divided the black and white communities in New Providence. Most of the blacks were very poor and lived outside the city center in the ‚over-the-hill? ommunities like Bain Town and Grant’s Town. These communities, located to the south of Bay Street and separated from the city center by a small hill, were settled by liberated Africans and ex-slaves in the nineteenth century. As was the case since emancipation one hundred years earlier, blacks worked but never lived in the white areas from Bay Street to Montague. Segregation not so pronounced The Bay Street oligarchs also controlled the country politically and economically. Klaw has described them as ‚a dozen or so Nassau merchants, lawyers, and real -estate brokers who are *named after+ the street here they have their shops and offices *and are+ in firm control of the Bahamas government, running it with a free hand.? Similarly, Themistocleous has called them the merchan t princes of Nassau with one hundred-plus years of ‚hegemony over non-white groups.? The Report of the 1942 Commission of Enquiry into the riot has likewise described them as ‚elected representatives, who are collectively known as ‘Bay Street,’ (in which street or its immediate neighbourhood all the twenty-nine members of the House of Assembly except two have their places of business).? Not surprisingly, whites were generally unaware of how dissatisfied Bahamian blacks were with this system that privileged whites and constrained blacks. Surprise was their most common reaction to the riot. For instance, Morton Turtle testified, ‚I was amazed to find that the crowd felt hostile towards me. I have always felt in sympathy with the labourers and given them a good wages.? Similarly, Etienne Dupuch stated, ‚The riot came as a complete surprise to me. I never thought that our people could be agitated to the point of rioting because they have always enjoyed the enviable reputation of being patient docile and law-abiding.? J. P. Sands spoke for many when he said, ‚I thought that everybody in the island was quite happy until about 8 o’clock on June 1st.? The riot, then, occurred against a backdrop of extreme racial oppression and is correctly understood as an expression of black dissatisfaction with the prevailing social, economic and political order. The white oligarchs never quite understood the depths of black discontent with the existing system. Although able to pacify the majority black population for a time, passing labor union legislation, extending the secret ballot to the Out Islands, and the series of concessions that were made in the years after the riot did not placate the black masses once and for all. Nothing short of majority rule, the white oligarchs would find out in subsequent years, could satisfy the black population. IV. Conclusion Although the 1942 riot has been described as a key event in the political development of the Bahamas, scholars have consistently downplayed its significance. Hughes, for instance, has described the riot as ‚a momentary outburst of raw energy? that ‚provided martyrs and a heroic moment? to Bahamian blacks ‚once a political movement had finally started.? Similarly, Saunders has suggested that ‚black anger erupted spontaneously and then quickly died.? The reason that they discount the significance of the riot, we believe, is because they focus too intently of its immediate socio-economic and political consequences. Since little on the surface changed in the aftermath of the riot, they concluded that the riot did not change much in the Bahamas. In a sense, they are correct. The Bay Street oligarchs barely loosened their grip on social, political and economic life in the country after the disturbance. And, it took two and a half decades for the majority black Progressive Liberal Party to snatch political control from the Bay Street merchant princes. This preoccupation with immediate effects, however, obscures the true importance of the riot. In our view, it cannot be reduced to a ‚short lived spontaneous outburst by a group of disgruntled labourers *that+ occurred against a background of narrow socio-economic and political policies.? First, we see it as the opening skirmish in the battle for majority rule in the Bahamas. The political awareness and willingness to take on the Bay Street oligarchs that Bahamian blacks evidenced during the riot was rarely exhibited before the riot. After the riot, evidence of their political awakening was quite obvious. Second, the anger vented by the rioters was reflective of the dissatisfaction felt by the entire black working class not just the workers on the Project. As Sir Randol Fawkes correctly surmised, ‚when that mob marched on that early June morning, they took upon their shoulders the common burdens of all Bahamians.? And, finally, their fight was not against an inadequate welfare system but against a system that oppressed the black majority in the Bahamas and privileged the Bay Street oligarchs. The riot set in motion a political snowball that would result in a movement whose final triumph would be majority rule and the dismantling of the system of apartheid that inhibited Bahamian blacks socially, politically and economically. How to cite The Burma Road Riot, Essay examples The Burma Road Riot Free Essays Question 1a Write a detailed account of the Burma Road Riot in Nassau, Bahamas. At the beginning of the Second World War the American government made arrangements to build training bases in of the Caribbean Islands. Being a part of the Caribbean, The Bahamian government and the American government scheduled to build two operational bases in New Providence, one in Satellite Field and the other in Oaks Field, they also called it the Main Field. We will write a custom essay sample on The Burma Road Riot or any similar topic only for you Order Now This would then employ over two thousand men. The news began to spread to the outer islands and many out islanders saw it as a good opportunity to be employed for big wages. During the last ten years the economy had declined due to the ending of prohibition in 1933. These Bahamians came to New Providence because they knew that the Americans would pay high wages because some worked on the American base in Exuma before. Unfortunately, the Bahamian workers were paid half the wages the Americans were paid for the same job. After failing to get the employer to remedy their unfair wage, on Sunday 31st May, 1942, the local workers gathered in front of the Pleasantville Construction company with the aim of getting their employer to improve their wages offered to the two site; the wages were lower than the employees expected, also their wages were lower than the American wages who did the same job. Bahamian wages were only four shillings for eight hours. This situation was so unfair it made the Bahamian workers frustrated and bitter against their white employers. As a result a charged working relationship between the Bahamian workers developed. Since there was no resolution in the meeting on the following day Monday, 1st June, 1942 laborers marched to Bay Street protesting that they be paid the full amount of wages by the Pleasantville Contractors. The Bahamian protestors didn’t know that it was the â€Å"Bay Street Boys† that told the Americans to pay the Bahamian employees less that it supposed to be. Because the Pleasantville Contractors didn’t reply to the laborers request it made the workers more infuriated. Moreover, the meeting that was agreed n with the workers and the Colonial Labor Officer never materialized. This infuriated the workers even more. The disgruntled workers were accompanied by a crowd of people. They marched from Parliament via Nassau Street with cubs and sticks. On their way they met a Coca-Cola truck filled with empty bottles which they pelted the windows of the buildings. They used those bottles as missiles. While the rioting was at its height a carbon of police with fixed bayonets and steel helmets came down from the barracks and remained standing in that formation for a period of time in front of the Post Office. While the sound of glass breaking and the crowd shouting, that could be heard up and down the street, the policemen moved along Bay Street and were successful in dispersing most of the rioters, which they reassembled in other places. The police could not cope with this situation so a detachment of British forces were called in. Before the end of the day members of the Volunteer Defense Force were situated to the Barracks. When order was restored in the city, throughout the afternoon isolated cases of violence were dealt with and some people were arrested. Many of the shops were extensively looted. Several business shops were stripped of their stock. There were many of the people that were seen with armfuls of stolen goods leaving the city. As soon as the streets were completely clear the suspects were ordered to show the stocks of the parcels that they were carrying on them. Some of the loot was recovered and people were arrested. The damages of the property and merchandise ran into thousands of pounds. They attacked the cars that were moving and parked which were damaged very badly, Also the owners were at the wheel at some point and time. Liquor stores were looted as well and the drunkenness resulting added fuel to the fire. In conclusion, this rioting and looting lead to two deaths and twenty-five injuries, they also smashed the Red Cross. The rioting lasted for two long days. After all the Duke of Windsor said that the Bahamian wages will be dealt with. Half more of the workers came back. On the 4th June 1942, things were just about normal for everyone and wages were increased by one shilling for the local workers. This riot signaled that Black Bahamians were no longer going to be submissive to the oligarchy. Moreover, black Bahamians became united and silently fought for better living conditions and equal rights and justice. How to cite The Burma Road Riot, Essay examples

Resource Planning on Organizational Productivity †MyAssignmenthelp

Question: Discuss about the Resource Planning on Organizational Productivity. Answer: Introduction Enterprise resource planning, approach for business association is deployed in different types of organization. in this current era, ERP is considered as following attribute such as configurable, integrated and tailor able system of knowledge that maintains and plans about all resources as well as enterprise requirement. Fundamental business application in ERP have following benefits such as decrease the complexity and collaborative cost, enforce the enterprise to hold something in the BPR (Business process Reengineering) to upgrade its function and operation and conclude with successful outcome in business. The main objective of this research is to present the overview of ERP technology art and ERP systems security problems (Pilot, 2015). Security on enterprise resource planning system we proposed it components, importance of ERP system and features and possible outcomes. Framework and technology of ERP system invokes the communication system namely EDI and ALE. Feature are presente d client-server architecture and software components which facilitate the preformation of information system to lead the organization with succefullness (Rannenberg, Varadharajan, Rannenberg Weber, n.d.). Security features solution and possible outcomes are discussed. The qualitative and quantitative comparison which impossible for fundamental for all system to perform the essential, reliable, relevant and periodic information (Wong Shi, 2015). Implementation and sharing the knowledge within the IS (information system), necessarily suggests gathering the data form various resources to be avail In the system, classifying, estimation, recording and information processing principles for their conversion pattern for presentation and distribution for knowledge users. This study organize the group to leading towards the success in service, productivity and security. IS (Information System) is defined as essential tools which is required to execute in the business group for the purpose of enhancing the available design as well economical usage. IS study framework will decrease the problem in the work place. Further examining the recent status of the group, it was discovered that, they are using the techniques of traditional information management which is not beneficial for business group. For fixed security highly confidential information gathered in server are hacked by attackers. The aim of this study is to implement ERP system in business group to reduce the issue in traditional way of information management and to enhance the available techniques of security. Development progress of Information system investigation is develop the function as well operational problem will be entirely reduced. To evaluate ERP system in business To analyze on the ERP system roles for improving security To enhance the available techniques for data management In order to encounter the discovered security and information management problem, it is essential to execute the ERP system in business group. For this study positivism for project analysis is needed to adopt for explicit the hidden truth for information management and security. The realism and interpretivism analysis are neglected due to these complex facts. To implement the ERP system in business, deductive analysis methodology must be choose to emphasize the analysis. Collaborated information analysis techniques is selected for this certain analysis. It is very essential to gather the information from the survey and for innovation and creative design before executing information system in business group. For this certain analysis the quantitative data analysis and qualitative data are essential to gather. It is essential to consider combined data in quality and quantity is to organize the study successfully Radut and Codreanu (2012) presents most essential things to adopt ERP system is the selection part as well as process of selection must be particular to group as it brings out organization requirement. It must be more analytical model depends on criteria. The most essential factor are technology, functionality and knowledge expertise, scalability, cost, flexibility and implementation. Their promoting is very simple quantitative method along with selection characteristics integrated with six methods such as reliability, functionality, efficiency, maintainability, usability and portability. Technology selection on ERP system is an important for enterprise makers in group aim to achieve competing environment, this is a severe decision on investment. ERP system investment implementation in association are more strategic and extremely risky due to complex service, cost of implementation is very high and change management problem where this is very critical to prefer an ERP software which suits with organization aim and objective of successful execution. Garg and Khurana (2013) provided the selection characteristics on products of ERP for Indian SMEs. The discovery of this study will assist with the sales and marketing which makes avail the end user convey about decision selection of ERP package of organization. Before executing ERP, enterprises of business examine strategy, culture, function, structure and operation of organization. This will completely change the business process. If change management not managed well, ERP projects would face failure. Therefore, most of the ERP system failure is based on peoples problem rather than technical problems. Process, people and technologies are the three properties for ERP system of change management. Hurt (2011) presented in this research most constructed concept of information system and management: the expectancy concept, chain value, principles of change management, the ability model of maturity and life cycle of system construction. Although, ERP system are facilitate to improve the efficiency of organization by improving ability of information process of knowledge management of enterprises. Al-Shamlan and Al-Mudimigh (2011) discussed most of the higher level management generally faces the sudden attitude from user at the time of ERP system implementation. Though this study presents the process and strategy utilized for enterprise successfulness where there is purpose for research enhancement by evaluating the change management impact on staffs and different vendors. Knowledge management system and ERP implementation for organization produce few kind of challenges. Neto and Morais (2013) proposed a method to support the information transformation relevant to the software action to employers which required it. The propose model will hold the engineering software specification through the development of agent-depend method to help the construction of knowledge assistant which will recognize the information specification and support evaluating the task of software programmer. This research conclude two main field regarding to the knowledge management. Maintaining tactic skills and problem related to the process depend nature of association information. ERP system is completely depends on client-server architecture and there are some elements included for integrating ERP: application software, user interface, tools, database, tools and business process (Das et al., 2010). Particular structure immediately analyses the achievement of implementation and evaluation of system process which needs added strategic plan as well as operational and tactical approach for the planning of entire software and hardware on information system. Analysis of the performance and functions of integrated IS (information system). The most essential features of integrated information system having the ability of adaptability and flexibility, autonomy and comprehensiveness, acceptance and modularity are the main purpose of particular function of business which is exist through the interface that can be integrated to other modules (various components of internal and external software), availability (Quintela Varaja?o, Cruz-Cunha, Putnik Trigo, 2010). It can b e terminate that the application integrated information system development, design and implementation to access information into the origin of system, e-commerce and communication via internet, grouping an ad-hoc method for various purpose, less functionality having three major operational modules that are finance, accounting, fundamental resource management and sales. Components and tools used in ERP The component of any ERP packages included Financials, Human resources, material management, controlling and sales and distribution (Zeng, 2011). In this current era, ERP software producers are establish advance application such as customer relationship management (CRM), Business Intelligence (BI), which are equipped as updated packages of ERP. Some of the following characteristics represent the ERP system: a unified system achieve in real time with periodic processing and a typical database supports entire application; persistent aspects and process during every module; system installation without any further analysis of application integration or database integration. Particularly fundamental components that implementation of ERP system must consist the following modules: business intelligence system, transactional database, customized report and portal which are entry through some research, technology and DMS (Document Management System). Firstly, transactional database facilitate to store the enormous amount of logical transaction in the pattern of valid business transaction (Nofal Yusof, 2013). In practical, this kind of transaction database is help for storing, collection, updating and processing data on valid process of business for the company. Portal is define as a transparent control panel which it controls and employ with ERP system (Pearlson Saunders, 2010). Intelligence system for business refines information from database and depends on valid report which is to be more interactive. Another components relevant to report customization is nearly relevant to business intelligence. Otherwise, this ERO system should characterize using typical tool that will suit the companys business process without any pervasive function (Cruz-Cunha, 2010). The common practical DMS systems are executed parallel with a particular ERP system and an update fundamental business processes. The ERP support more production planning, material management and controlling activities then new product design (Laudon Laudon, 2013). In a single production that is realized by a project driven enterprises each order require creation of a new product design and a new technology. Security in Enterprise Resource Planning System ERP system security are used in various sectors including medical, financial sector, intelligence department and defense (Sharma, 2010). At first, there is a requirement to construct the security policy and techniques for ERP. Although, ERP system provides security solution in recent development of SAP. Security issues avail in all aspect on ERP system (Dantes Hasibuan, 2010). These feature are divided into three groups: Network layer, presentation layer and application layer that associates with system database, business activities and internal interfaces. When partner interacts with ERP components placed in various places communicate each other where the security issues in these pattern are divided into subject of network security. The presentation layer defines into the GUI, personal computer and browsers (Zare Mehrjerdi, 2010). The application security layer investing extreme attempt on ERP technicians to provide an efficient method to secure the business process and information. Few of the security point in ERP system includes, Security policy and administrator: ERP professional has to offer the well structure security policy which should be easily represented and managed. It should promotes rules to entry of subject and these are the limitation gives on the owners when denying permission. User authentication: To prove whether the browser is same person or not. Duties Extraction: process should be categorize into particular category that only can proceed the specified roles Authorization: This has to verify whether the user can access the appropriate sources. Based on the rules and regulation of authorization user will permitted for access. Time restriction: accessing is permitted only particular period of intervals. Database security Log and trace: the action of logging and tracing evolve with securing the log resource from breach. Most of the recent technology are depend on RBAC (Role-Base access control) where it might have various kind of setting for improvement or simplify the action (Rao Siriginidi, 2010). This method represents permit the particular right of accessing the data. Permissions:It is the access to multiple instances of the system. In a database system, the permission defines with the rights named as insert, select, update, and delete a table. It is having the rights as account creation, account transfer, delete and credit or debit. Solution for Baan security utilizes tool named as DEM (Dynamic Enterprise Modeler) to help the Bann security configuration. DEM helps to design the business function and represents the roles in an organization (Momoh, Roy Shehab, 2010). The Baan security infrastructure solution comes with four context such as User, Role, process and employee. The importance and outcomes of ERP systems for companies There is no such information about ERP is better or poor when compare to other systems. Particularly, each and every business ERP system implementation is wonted to have more advantages- minimize operational price, maximize productivity, data flow and enhanced management of performance (Dey, Clegg Bennett, 2010). The universal success of ERP is fully depends on researchers of economic practice as well as interest of the researchers towards the area of information technology. By using the life cycle of system development as conceptual remark was noticed the major success aspect of ERP system switch from system model to implementation of system (Pavel Evelyn, 2017). Forcing the staffs as implementation of member to internally assume the business process and changes which is operates through the Implementation of ERP. To evaluating the ERP implementation impacts on business progress and organization, experts had made their general design. The major aim of these design is to analyses t he impact of ERP implementation conditions. In later, ERP development at the performance of the company as well as business operation performance. Short term company performance tends to improve the productivity. It was discover that the group executed ERP for long days which does not share to enhancement of business operation. Therefore, consumer of ERP in the period of short or long do not conclude great performance on business operation and does not target huge entire company performance. Before ERP designing system has to satisfy the needs of functional and managerial customers (Kouki, Pellerin Poulin, 2010). They have to maintain the fundament resource and the managerial needs for the purpose of maintaining and planning techniques. These managerial function contains: Strategic planning Management control Operational control. The original feature of data is needed by the above three section of action as distinct. The action of operational control need data which must be real-time and detailed(Dantes Hasibuan,2010). This criterion fully depends on the internet resources. Managerial control need huge data that must not essential in real-time (Wang, Cao Zhu, 2011). Information system management framework is currently well applicable for recent situation where sharing the ERP will support all kind of management purpose (Garg, n.d.). Management control must stalk from expertise details involve in operational system where the language employ by ERP suppliers will motivate this condition. There are more benefits for implementing an ERP system; they are Complete integrated system Perform to integrate various workflows and process Capability to contribute information across different sectors in the association. Enhance efficiency and levels of productivity Improved forecasting and tracking techniques Less cost Enhance the service of customer. While advantage naturally overcome the disadvantage to execute the ERP system in most of the group, there are few familiar obstacles practiced. Generally various kind of difficulties may have interrupted if suppose investment with sufficient amount and enough practice is involved. Anyhow, achievement rate does not base on experience and knowledge of the experts to instantly comply with new scheme. Limited amount of customization associate with various condition Required to reconstruct the business development. Less cost for installation and run ERP system. Professional backing will be bad. ERPs might be very severe in particular groups that may be either recent or need to lead in a new guidance for close future. Analyze and Evaluation for Implementing ERP on Business Why most of the enterprises practice ERP system? There are more reason for implementing ERP in business process includes reduction of stock, enhancing the business activity, single database, secure transaction, outdated technology, capability of software to combine all operation within a particular system, saving the time, enhancement in vision and support for corporate planning (Yudin, 2010). The main goal for implementing ERP system must enhance the companys competitiveness for functional support (Cruz-Cunha, 2010). Before the implementation and selection of ERP most of the industry must develop for expensive and consumption of time. The main scope is analyzed based on functional sectors, the business techniques structure and resources of business which are represented by information (Fryling, n.d.). The company strategy could support at least two years where the functional decision should take after the execution. The Figure. 3 represents the different functional sectors of enterprise projects should supported by ERP. The group of resources must be represented for every operational or functional sector.A required informations are essential for describing the resources in ERP system. For example, to represent appliance the following properties are essential: availability, group of functions, amortization, price, symbol and period of maintenance(Garg, n.d.). Each and every decision in ERP system is focused on business operation accomplished in the company. For example to confirm which substance m ust use in debt, developer requires the below properties such as The most of the business activity are concerned with conclusion of the mechanical development of CNC. Therefore, these operation uses the upcoming resources such as constructor, system software and CAD system for BOM construction. The ERP system design is depends on outline of resources, business activities, information, functional sectors and decisions. More functional and strategic as well as tactics decision will depends on ERP where implementation of ERP will succeed (Ladley, 2010). But quantity development of agreed decision needs enormous amount of information what are the outcomes evolve with labor force growth and cost of implementation. Conclusion Enterprise resource planning (ERP) is the system that process the reproduction in the current economy and impacts of humans life style. ERP system is going based on current following attributes such as collaboration, extreme heterogeneity, integrity and extreme knowledge. The security problem in ERP is avail for long term, but several outcome and solution is completely depends on the inference that ERP in nearest surroundings. Therefore, the solutions are not enough to offer the security. Further, avail security solutions are depends on the characteristics of recent ERP system. Since it expose several features which might supported in future, the process of security has to modify and study has to be focus on following fields: Design, model for security infrastructure, Protecting the transfer document. Analyzing the security of interface between various components for example OS, system database and logging methods. These ERP system is correlate with strategy, structure, business process and strategy of organization with the information system. Therefore, the technical issue from software development is reduced, risk at the time of implementation is composed with sorting the software process and respected change management as well as issue on software configuration. References Ahmad, M. M., Cuenca, R. P. (2013). Critical success factors for ERP implementation in SMEs.Robotics and Computer-Integrated Manufacturing,29(3), 104-111. Ann Sykes, T. (2015). 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San Dimas Essays - , Term Papers, Research Papers

San Dimas Last night I had a dream that we went to Disneyland, Went on all the rides, didn't have to wait in line. I drove you to your house where we stared up at the stars I listened to your heartbeat as I held you in my arms. We hung out at the rainbow where we drank til' half past two. Nothing could go wrong anytime that I'm with you. Like crashing a hotel room or leading up to that first kiss Or searching for a high school that you know doesn't exist... These are the things that make me free I feel like I'm stuck in stand by me This night was too good to be true. Today I woke up alone wishing you were here with me, I wanted us to be something that we'd probably never be. Today you called me up and said you'd see me at our show, But now I'm stuck debating if I even wanna go. Whitney, don't you understand that what I say is true? I just want you to know I have a major crush on you. I'd drive you to Las Vegas and do the things you wanna do I'd even have Wayne Newton dedicate a song to you. I only wish that this could be Just dump your boyfriend and go out with me I swear I'd treat you like a queen. Music Essays